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Beyond K-Wave and J-Pop: The Surging Soft Power of “Chinamaxxing”

Writer: Phoebe Chow
Phoebe Chow
May 24
3 min read
Smiling woman in red qipao holds iced drink amid Shanghai skyline, Chinese flag, temple, trains, K-pop and anime collage
Image generated by AI using ChatGPT

Gen Zs on social media are “Becoming Chinese”. 


The term “Chinamaxxing“ has recently exploded across social media, describing young Westerners embracing Chinese habits – from morning routines and tai chi to speaking Mandarin and sipping hot water – as part of a newfound fascination with “the Chinese way of life.” On TikTok and Instagram, videos tagged #Chinamaxxing shows Gen Zers donning Chinese street-fashion, practicing baduanjin exercises, or drinking herbal teas. As The Print reports, this trend “is spreading quickly online and changing thoughts on how people across the world see China”. Unlike the polished Hallyu (Korean Wave) that grew from K-pop and K-dramas, Chinamaxxing is largely a viral cultural meme and social media trend rather than a government export – though Chinese officials have already begun seizing on it as a soft power win.


By contrast, the Korean Wave and Japan’s pop culture arose from highly organized entertainment industries. South Korea’s ascent in global pop, from BTS to Parasite, was no accident: it was driven by state-backed and corporate agencies that trained idols, produced glossy TV dramas, and pushed music worldwide. One study notes that K-pop’s success hinged on strategic integration of Korean culture (language, cuisine, fashion) into its appeal – effectively using music and drama as conduits of soft power. Systematic business models underpinned K-pop’s global rise: researchers describe how digital transformation of “distributors, producers, consumers, and business contexts” propelled the industry from a local phenomenon into a $10 billion export. Japan’s similar “Cool Japan” cultural policy in earlier decades turned anime, manga and J-pop into global phenomena. In short, Seoul and Tokyo built export machines – fusing culture and commerce – that carefully cultivated fandoms abroad.


Chinamaxxing, however, seems more a reaction to the West than a pure admiration of China. Analysts argue it reflects Western youth’s resentment or disenchantment. Disillusioned by political gridlock, economic stagnation and social crises at home, many Gen Zers are projecting their frustrations onto an idealized China. Polls show young Westerners increasingly saying they’d prefer to depend on China rather than an unreliable U.S. – not because they trust China more, but because “the U.S. is becoming less reliable”. As one observer writes, Chinamaxxing videos often carry the subtext, “the government lied to us about China,” juxtaposing an “unfulfilled American dream” with visions of quiet Chinese cities, efficient subways and communal tai chi in parks. In this sense, China is portrayed less on its own terms and more as an antidote to Western malaise.


Social media and globalization have enabled this simplified, romantic image. Western influencers cherry-pick appealing Chinese elements – drinking warm water for health, wearing plush slippers, or catching bullet trains – and present them as novelty life-hacks. An ECFR analysis notes that Chinamaxxing content “project[s] what is missing in America” (good infrastructure, low crime, affordable leisure) rather than a nuanced portrait of China. In practice, the trend is largely aesthetic: it offers a curated, almost naïve “China fantasy” that glosses over the country’s complexities. The result is a social-media-driven halo effect – young foreigners enthusiastically praise China’s safety or traditions, often unaware of issues like housing crises or censorship at home. 


Whether this viral moment can match K-pop’s enduring industry-backed influence remains to be seen, but it underscores how global culture today is as much about digital storytelling (and dissatisfaction with one’s own society) as it is about the cultures portrayed.


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